Law and Values
"The Separation of church and state was not intended to prevent Christians or any other religious group from promoting or applying their values in the policymaking process. All citizens have the right to advocate and vote based on their values, whether secular or religious. In fact, all policies and laws come from some set of values...
"A person's values are principles and standards of behavior, and laws are correspondingly based on principles and standards of behavior. The idea that it's possible to separate the values of the people from their laws is absurd" (31).
"There's nothing wrong with being conflicted about how both options are right in part and wrong in part. The bigger problem is when Christians are unaware or unbothered by the faults on the side they prefer. This isn't to suggest a false equivalency between the two parties. One party might be more wrong on more issues at a given time, but we must realize that both fall well short of the Biblical standard.
"Christians can choose a political party, but we can't choose between love and truth. We can't fully embrace movements that dismiss justice or undermine moral order" (40).
"The law is a teacher. When the law teaches the wrong lessons, it is our responsibility to listen and follow the teachings of Jesus and not allow politics to determine our values. However the societal effect of law is undeniable. If the law teaches that sexual freedom is an ultimate end, that will corrode the nation's moral infastructure. If the law teaches that economic profit is society's chief aim, that will corrode the nation's moral infastructure.
"How to apply moral standards can be complicated. Multiple moral truths might be in conflict when considering a single political decision. Policies that would seem to advance a moral truth might end up undermining it. Indeed, sometimes it is wise to accept that the best use of the law in a given situation is not to enforce morality but rather to allow for the freedom to be moral" (46-47).
"Partnering with nonbelievers can never mean agreeing with them on all matters" (59).
I learned about the Hidden Tribes study (Stephen Hawkins) that divides Americans into 7 tribes: Progressive Activists, Traditional Liberals, Passive Liberals, Politically Disengaged, Moderates, Traditional Conservatives, and Devoted Conservatives. "Interestingly, the two smallest and most extreme tribes (Progressive Activists and Devoted Conservatives, 8 percent and 6 percent of Americans respectively) have the loudest voice in American sociopolitical discourse because of their high levels of engagement and large amounts of money. They often frame the issues for the majority of us, who the study calls the 'Exhausted Majority' (67 percent). This has resulted in high levels of polarization" (62).
Frederick Douglass: 'I would unite with anybody to do right and with nobody to do wrong' (68). May it be so.
"The civic space is full of hidden agendas and corrupt activity; it's no place to timidly accept the assertions of others. It's intellectually lazy to agree with the same political party on every single issue. That's a clear indication that we've become indoctrinated, which should never be an option for Christians" (73).
"Race is a part of the history of the United States and a part of the history of the church. Many of the personal and corporate experiences of Christians with race have been shameful and hurtful. Race is not an easy topic to engage, but an unwillingness to confront the issue of racism is one of the greatest roadblocks to reconciliation" (97).
"We must confront racism with humility and grace, with a posture of self-examination, not self-defense, remembering that God demands something of all of us (Exodus 20), even if we've been the victim. As Christians we ought to have a much clearer view of our own depravity and need for mercy. That awareness of sin in our lives and in our own cultures must drive us to a posture of humility, first toward God and then by extension to our fellow humans (Ephesians 5:21). Furthermore, being aware of the profound mercy and forgiveness of God, we should find grace to confront our personal and cultural issues knowing that we serve a God of love who intends to cleanse us from sin rather than destroy us because of it (1 John 1:9)" (98).
"The basic, primal kinship that one can feel toward other people of the same race plays a part in identity politics: a black man wants to be able to show his son another successful black man as evidence that he can also be great. To conclude that your interests won't be fully represented when no one making the decisions looks like you or shares your experiences is a logical deduction with a sound historical basis" (100).
"And again, the church should be leading the way. We can understand and appreciate identity politics, intersectionality, and critical race theory. But our identity is in Christ, and our political values are deeply rooted in our faith. This should help us avoid identity-based manipulation at the hands of political parties and political leaders" (101).
I love the anecdote from Acts 19:32: "Some were shouting one thing, some another. Most of the people did not even know why they were there" as a picture of what's happening these days. "There was chaos and confusion, and the only thing that people were sure about and agrees on was that they were angry. Some of the people in Christian tribes want us to be divided and stirred into chaos because it makes it easier for them to control the opinions of large numbers of people" (102). The implication here is not that only those in Christian tribes do this, but let us certainly not think that only those outside the church do it!
"Like any other field of endeavor, effective political engagement requires a range of skills, and as Christians we must never make the mistake of thinking that the right motives are a substitute for strategic precision and skill" (113).
"...civility is a recognition of human dignity. All incivility is, at its root, preceded by dehumanization" (118).
"Unfortunately, incivility is often used as a misdirection. Incivility is not an excuse to deflect on issues of public import.... We should reflect on whether we employ calls for civility in circumstances that might hinder our political ambitions, or whether we only call for civility from those we disagree with" (122).
"Injustice does not justify incivility, but it is reasonable for incivility to spring forth from injustice. People who are proponents of civility but quietists on everything else are, in fact, a great threat to civility" (123).
"Incivility is a public problem, but incivility among Christians in the public square is a genuine threat to the witness of the church" (123)
"Dear Christian, if you are going to do civics and politics, we first urge you to do it. All throughout Scripture there are diverse action commands. Without a doubt, civic and political engagement begins with what we think about what we believe--and our prayer is that this book has helped you to shape and clarify your thinking and belief. But never be drawn off into the false assumption that right thinking and right belief are sufficient. As with so many other areas of Christian life, orthodoxy is hollow apart from orthopraxy. Christian faith starts with what we think and believe, but it manifests itself in what we do. Democracy is not ultimately an adjective or even a noun; democracy is a verb" (128).
